Saturday, 20 June 2015

BENUE IS UNDER SPELL , Says Governor Ortom

Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue state has
stated that the state is “under a spell” after he
discovered that major industries were non-
functional in the state .
Ortom , who stated this when he visited Taraku
Mills Limited , Gwer Local Government Area on
Friday , held that the state could only be under
a spell to have allowed high level of economic
decay and abandonment of all her industries .
“This is my first time of coming into the oil mill
and from what we have seen , Benue is under a
spell. There is no reason for this factory to be
lying fallow . This factory is our gold mine that
should not be joked with .
“We have all the needed raw materials for this
factory to function effectively , yet previous
administrations failed to utilise the factory to
create job wealth/for people .
“Government is borrowing money at all levels
to pay salaries ; so we must look beyond the
box to enable us succeed.
“The raw materials are here and when the
factory starts working, farmers will smile .
“I want to pay tribute to our legend , the late
Gov . Aper Aku who had the foresight to
establish this factory and I promise to build on
his legacies.
“We will create the enabling environment to
ensure that our industries function again ”,
Ortom promised .

NAN reports that the factory, built in 1983 , is
among the numerous moribund industries
owned by State Government .
NAN further reports that the company , when
operational, has the capacity to provide over
600 jobs and create massive wealth for Benue
farmers.
The Managing Director and Chief Executive
Officer ( CEO ) of Growrich Resort Limited ,
Managers of Taraku Mills , Mr Ernest Jor , said
the company lacked water , power supply as
well as adequate funds to maintain
uninterrupted production .
He appealed to the governor to assist the
company to construct an earth dam to address
the water challenge in the factory .
NAN reports that the factory was built with
capacity to process 72, 000 tons of soya beans ,
120, 000 tons of maize and 172 , 300 tons of
animal feeds annually.
NAN further reports that the complex was also
designed to produce vegetable oil , groundnut
oil , maize flour, cake , maize grit, livestock
feeds , concentrate and diet mix, among others

I DON'T SMOKE, DRINK, Says Charlie Boy As He Turns 64

Nigeria ’ s all time showbiz star, Charles
Chukwuemeka Oputa , popularly known as
Charlie Boy , on Friday , said smoking and
drinking were not part of his lifestyle .
Charlie Boy , who is 64 years old on Friday , said
this in an exclusive interview with NAN in
Abuja .
The maverick, who spoke on his lifestyle said “I
don’ t drink , I don’ t smoke and I don’ t abuse
my body.
“I also engage in regular bodily exercise and
this keeps me smart and healthy .
“I know that this may be hard for some
persons to believe , but one does not need
those things to aspire as an artiste .
“I stopped drinking and smoking so many years
ago.
“My father never smoked nor drink and he lived
very healthy for well over 90 years, and that is
how I planned to live.”
Charlie Boy said that abstinence from alcohol
and other abusive substances was the secret
to his fitness.
He explained further that being focused ,
resilient and disciplined were among the
attributes that kept him the years amidst
constant criticisms .
“It is my focus, determination and discipline
that has kept me this far.

“I believe that things should be done in the
new way and people should break away from
the primitive ways of doing things .
“And I always stand for what I believe .
“Trying to impress others and the pressure of
paying attention to peoples ’ opinion are some
of the things that breakdown people very early
in life .
“I am not under any pressure , so I look very
strong and younger than my age.”
NAN reports that Charlie is known for his
preferences for make-up , braided hairstyles,
tattoos, heavy jewelleries and piercings.

Wednesday, 17 June 2015

COLONIAL LEGACY IN AFRICA


What legacy did colonialism bequeath to Africa?
Did it constitute an important revolutionary
episode in the history of the continent? Was it a break with the past,or was it after all,
merely a passing event?
To some historians its impact was on balance
either a blessing in disguise or, at worst, not
harmful for Africa:
"It is easy to cavil today" wrote PC. Lloyd, "at
the slow rate of economic development during
the half-century of colonial rule... Nevertheless,
the difference between the condition of African
society at the end of the nineteenth century and
at the end of the Second World War is
staggering. The colonial powers provided the
infrastracture on which progress in the
'independence' period has depended: a fairly
efficient administrative machine, reaching down
to villages in the most remote areas, a network
of roads and railways, and basic services in
health and education."
Others have contended that the beneficial effect
of colonialism in Africa was virtually nil. The
Balck Guyanese historian, Walter Rodney, has
taken a particularly extreme position:
"The argument suggests that, on the one hand,
there was exploitation and oppression, but, on
the other hand, that colonial governments did
much for the benefit of Africans and that they
developed Afica. It is our contention that this is
completely false. Colonialism had only one
hand--it was a one-armed bandit."
From the available evidence, however, it would
appear that a much mor balanced assessment is
necessary. The impact of colonialism was
positive as well as negative. However, it should
be emphasized that most of the positive effects
were, by and large, rather accidental by-products
of activities or measures intended to promote the
interests of the colonizers.
The first positive political impact was the
establishment of a greater degree of continuous
peace and stability in Africa than before. The
nineteenth century was the century of the
Mfecane and the activities of the Swahili-Arab
and Nyamweze traders such as Tipu Tip and
Msiri in central and southern Africa, of the Fulani
djihads and the rise of the Tukulor and Mandingo
empires in western Sudan, and of the
disintegration of the Oyo and Asante empires in
west Africa; and all this caused a great deal of
instability and insecurity.
The first two or three decades of the colonial
era, that is from 1880 to 1910, intensified this
state of instability, violence and disorder and
caused wholesale and unpardonable destruction
and loss of population. But after the colonial
occupation and the establishment of various
administrative machineries, most parts of Africa,
especially from the end of the First World War
onwards, enjoyed a great degree of continuous
peace and security.
The second positive impact is reflected in the
very geo-political appearance of the modern
independent States of Africa. In place of the
hundreds of independent clan and lineage
groups, city-States, Kingdoms and empires,
without any clearly defined boundaries, were now
established fifty new States with, in most cases,
fixed boundaries; and it is rather significant that
the boundaries of the States as laid down during
the colonial era have not undergone any changes
since independence.
Thirdly, the colonial system also introduced into
most parts of Africa two new institutions which
have been maintained since independence,
namely a new judicial system and a new
bureaucracy or civil service.




The final positive impact of colonialism was not
only the birth of a new type of African
nationalism, but also of pan-Africanism.
Important as this legacy was, however, it is a
typical example of the accidental by-products
rather than the deliberate creations of the
colonial presence. No colonial ruler ever set out
to create and nurture African nationalism.
But if there were positive effects, the negative
effects were even greater. In the first place,
important as the development of nationalism
was, it was generated by a sense of anger,
frustration and humiliation caused by some of
the oppressive, discriminatory and exploitative
measures introduced by the colonial rulers. With
the overthrow of colonialism that feeling was
bound to lose some of its momentum and the
problem that has faced the rulers of independent
African States has been how to replace it with a
positive and enduring feeling of natinalism.
Secondly, while admitting that the geo-political
set-up that emerged was an asset, even though
an accidental one, it nevertheless created far
more problems than it solved. Though the
boundaries of the States that emerged were not
as arbitrary as is generally believed, there is no
doubt that many of the States that emerged
were artificial creations made up of a medley of
peoples with different cultures, traditions, origins
and languages. The problems of nation-building
posed by such a medley of peoples have not
proved to be easily soluble.
Another outcome was that the States that
emerged were of widely differing sizes with
unequal natural resources and economic
potentialities.
Another important but negative political impact
of colonialism was the weaking of the indigenous
systems of government. The colonial officials on
the spot became, in effect, dictators instead of
advisers to the traditional rulers whom they used
to enforce some of the measures deemed
obnoxious by their subjects, such as forced
labour, direct taxes and compulsory recruitment
of men for the colonial armies. Moreover, the
spread of the Christian religion further
undermined the spiritual basis of the authority of
the kings.
A product of colonialism which is often ignored
by historians but whish has turned out to be of
crucial importance was the creation of full-time,
standing armies. These armies were originally
created, most of them in the 1880s and 1890s,
first for the conquest and occupation of Africa,
then for the maintenance of colonial control, and,
finally, for the prosecution of global wars and the
suppression of indepence movements in Africa.
After the overthrow of the colonial rulers, these
armies were not disbanded but were taken over
by the new independent African rulers and they
have turned out to be the most problematic of
the products of colonialism.
The final and probably the most important
negative political impact of colonialism was the
loss of African sovereignty and independence and
the right to deal directly with the outside world.
This meant, above all, the loss of their right to
control their own destiny, to plan their own
development, manage their economy, determine
their own strategies and priorities, borrow freely
from the world at large the latest and most
appropriate technology, and generally manage, or
even mesmanage, their own affairs and derive
inspiration and a sense of fulfilment from their
successes and lessons and experience from their
failures. In short, colonialism deprived Africans of
one of the most fundamental and inalienable
rights of a people--the right of liberty.
Moreover, the seventy-year period of colonialism
in Africa was the very period which witnessed
tremendous and decisive developments and
changes in both the capitalist and socialist
countries. It was the period, for instance, that
saw the entry of Europe into the age of the
aeroplane and the motor vehicle and the nuclear
age. Had Africa been in control of her own
destiny, she could have benefited from or even
been part of these phenomenal changes. But
colonialism completely insulated and isolated her
from these changes and kept her in a position of
dependency.
The impact in the economic field was equally
important and equally mixed. The first and most
obvious of the positive impacts was the
provision of a basic infrastracture of roads,
railways, telegraph, telephone and, in some
cases, even airports. Completed by the 1930s,
this infrastructure facilitated the movement not
only of goods, the new cash crops, and troops,
but also of peoples, and this latter factor helped
to minimize parochialism, regionalism and
ethnocentricism.
Equally important and significant was the impact
of colonialism on the primary sector of the
economy. It was during the colonial period that
the full mineral potential of Africa was realized;
the mining industry boomed while the cultivation
of cash crops such as cocoa, coffee, tobacco,
groundnuts, sisal and rubber spread. In west
Africa these cash crops were produced by the
Africans themselves, clear evidence of their
willingness and ability to adapt and respond to
the right incentives.
This economic revolution had some far-reaching
consequences. Before the colonial era huge
tracts of land in many parts of Africa were not
only uner-populated but also under-utilized. The
introduction and spread of cash crops and the
mining industries put an end to all this.
Secondly, the economic revolution led to an
increase in the purchasing power of some
Africans and with it an increase in their demand
for consumer goods. Thirdly, the growing of cash
crops by Africans enabled individuals of whatever
social status, especially in the rural areas, to
acquire wealth.
Another significant revolutionary impact was the
introduction of the money economy. This led to
the emergence of a new class of wage earners
and salaried groups. The introduction of the
money economy also led to the commencement
of banking activities in Africa, which became
another significant feature of the economy of
independent African States.
By 1935, the economy of Africa had become
inextricably tied to that of the world in general
and of the capitalist economy of the colonial
powers in particular. The years after 1935 merely
deepend this link and not even independence has
fundamentally altered this relationship.
Was the colonial impact on Africa in the
economic field then a desirable one? Far from it.
In the first place, the infrastructure that was
provided by colonialism was not as adequate or
as useful as it could have been. Most of the
roads and railways were constucted not to open
up the country but merely to connect the areas
having mineral deposits and the potential for the
production of cash crops with the sea, and there
were hardly any feeder or branch roads. Nor
were they meant to facilitate inter-African travel
and communication
In the second place, such economic growth as
occurred in the colonies was based on the
natural resources of the area and this meant,
therefore, that areas not naturally endowed were
totally neglected.
Thirdly, a typical feature of the colonial economy
was the total and deliberate neglect or
discouragement of industrialization and the
processing of locally-produced raw materials and
agricultural products in most of the colonies.
Simple and basic items such as matches,
candles, edible oil, even lime and orange juice,
all of which could easily have been produced in
Africa, were importe. All African States were
therefore turned into markets for the
consumption of manufactured goods from the
metropolitan countries and producers of raw
materials for export. This total neglect of
industrialization by the colonial powers should
be chalked up as one of them most
unpardonable indictments of colonialism.
Fourth, not only was industrialization neglected
but such industries and crafts as had existed in
Africa in pre-colonial times were almost
destroyed as a result of the importation into
Africa of cheap, mass-produced commodities.
African technological development was thereby
halted and was not resumed until after
independence.
Fifthly, even though agricultural crops came to
constitute the main source of income for most
African States, no attempts were made to
diversify the agricultural economies of the
colonies. On the contraty, by 1935, the
production of only single or, at best, two cash
crops had become the rule--cocoa in the Gold
Coast, groundnuts in Senegal and Gambia,
cotton in Sudan, coffee and cotton in Uganda
and coffee and sisal in Tanganyika. Most African
States, on the attainment of independence, found
themselves saddled with monoculture economies
and were therefore highly sensitive to the
prevailing international trade winds. Colonialism
did indeed complete the integration of African
economies into the world international economic
order, but in a very disadvantageous and
exploitative manner.
Because of the concentration on the production
of cash crops during the colonial era, Africans
were compelled to ignore the production of foo
for their own consumption. It was this neglect of
food production, coupled with forced labour,
which caused so much malnutrition, severe
famine and so many epidemics in some parts of
Africa during the early colonial days. Thus, under
the colonial system, Africans were in most cases
made to produce what they did not produce,
clear evidence of the lopsided and exploitative
nature of the colonial economy.
The colonial presence also led to the appearance
on the African scene of an increasing number of
expatriate banking, shipping and trading firms,
and from the 1910s onwards their amalgamation
and consolidation into fewer and fewer
oligopolies. Since it was these trading companies
that controlled the export as well as the import
trade and fixed the prices not only of imported
commodities but also of the exports produced by
Africans, the huge profits that accrued from these
activities went to the companies and not to the
Africans.
Colonialism also virtually put a stop to inter-
African trade as the flow of trade from each
colony was reoriented towards the metropolitan
countries.
Finally, whatever economic growth there was
during the colonial period was achieved at a
phenomenal and unjustifiable cost to the
African--forced labour, migrant labour,
compulsory cultivation of certain crops,
compulsory seizure of land, forced movements of
populations with the consequent dislocation of
family life, the pass system, high mortality rates
in the mines and on the plantations and brutal
repression of the protest and resistance
movements these measures generated.
What is the record of colonialism in the social
field? The first important beneficial social effect
was the overall increase of the population of
Africa during the colonial period of nearly forty
per cent after an initial decline during the first
two or three decades. This increase was due to
the establishment of an economic base, the
spread of roads and railways which ensured that
food could be rushed to famine areas, and the
campaigns launched against epidemic diseases
such as sleeping sickness, bubonic plague and
yellow fever.
Closely connected with this was the second
social impact of colonialism--urbanization. The
kingdoms and empires of Africa had such
capitals or political centres as Kumbi Saleh,
Benin, Ile-Ife, Kumasi, Gao and Zimbabwe,
commercial centres such as Kano, Jenne, Sofala
and Malindi, and such educational centres as
Timbuktu, Cairo and Fez. But there is no doubt
that, as a result of colonialism, the pace of
urbanization was greatly accelerated and
completely new towns came into existence.
Moreover, the population of both the already
existing towns and the new towns grew by leaps
and bounds during the colonial era. The
population of Nairobi, founded in 1896 as a
transit depot for the construction of the Uganda
railway, increased from a mere handful to 13,145
in 1927 and to over 25,000 in 1940, and that of
Lagos from 74,000 in 1914 to 230,000 in 1950,
that of Dakar from 19,800 in 1916 to 92,000 in
1936 and to 132,000 in 1945.
There was also undoubtedly an improvement in
the quality of life, particularly for those living in
the urban centres. This was the result of the
provision of hospitals, dispensaries, pipe-borne
water, sanitary facilities, better housing and the
abolition of such practices as domestic slavery
by the colonial rulers as well as the increase in
employment opportunities.
The spread of Christianity, Islam and Western
education was another important impact of
colonialism. It was during the colonial period
that Christianity gained a firm foothold in eastern
and central Africa, at times following and at
times being followed by the flag and trade. Islam
also spread rapidly in western and eastern Africa
as a result of the general improvement in
communications during the colonial period and
the patronage of both the French and the British
rulers. It should be emphasized that these gains
were not made at the expense of traditional
religion. What colonialism did, then, was to
strengthen and perpetuate religious pluralism in
Africa, thereby enriching its religious life.
Closely associated with the spread of Christianity
was that of Western education. Certainly, by the
end of the colonial regime, there were relatively
few areas without at least elementary schools.
The spread of Western education had far-
reaching social effects, among which was an
increase in the number of the westernized
educated African elite, an elite which now
constitutes the ruling oligarchy and the backbone
of the civil service of African States.
Another important colonial impact, a mixed
blessing as we shall see, was the provision of a
lingua franca for each colony or set of colonies.
In all the colonies, the mother tongue of the
colonial power, either in its pure or pidgin form,
became the official and business language and,
in many cases, the main means of
communication between the numerous linguistic
groups that constituted the population of each
colony. It is significant that, except in north
Africa, The United Republic of Tanzania, Kenya
and Madagascar, these languages have remained
the official languages to this very day.
The final beneficial social impact was the new
social structure that colonialism introduced into
some parts of Africa or whose development it
accelerated in others. Although the traditional
social structure allowed for social mobility, its
class structure appeared to give undue weight to
birth. The new colonial order, on the other hand,
emphasized individual merit and achievement. All
these changes radically altered the traditional
social structure.
Thus, by the 1930s, in place of the precolonial
social classes of the traditional ruling
aristocracy, the ordinary people, domestic slaves
and a relatively small educated elite, a new
society emerged that had become more sharply
divided thatn before into urban and rural
dwellers, each of which was differently stratified.
Mobility within this new structure was based
more on individual effort and attainment than on
ascription.
On the negative side, however, the phenomenal
growth of the population of the urban centres
was not the result of the natural increase of the
urban population but rather of the continuous
pull of young men and women to the urban
centres by the need for education and
employment and the push from the rural areas
by famine, epidemics, poverty and taxation.
Moreover, since the Europeans tended to live in
the urban centres, all those facilities that
improved the quality of life were established only
in those areas. The rural areas were therefore
virtually neglected and this in turn accentuated
the drift from one to the other. A huge gap exists
even today between urban and rural areas in
Africa and there is no doubt that it was the
colonial system that originated and widened this
gap.
Nor did the migrants find the urban centres the
safe and rich haven they had expected. In no
town were the Africans accepted as equals and
fully integrated. Moreover, nowhere did a
majority of them find jobs or decent
accomodation. Most of them found themselves
crowded into the suburbs and the shanty towns
in which unemployment, juvenile delinquency,
drunkenness, prostitution, crime and corruption
became their lot. Colonialism did not only
impoverish rural life, it also bastardized urban
life.
A second serious social legacy has been the
European and Asian settler problem. What made
their presence so inimical to Africans was that
the Europeans came to occupy most of the
fertile lands while the Asians monopolized the
retail and wholesale trades. By 1935, this Asian
and European problem had assumed very serious
proportions for Africa and it has not been entirely
resolved to this day.
Furthermore, though colonialism did introduce
some social services as we have seen, it must
be emphasized that not only were these services
grossly inadequate and unevenly distributed in
each colony, they were all, by and large, meant
primarily for the benefit of the few white settlers
and administrators, hence their concentration in
the towns. In Nigeria in the 1930s, whereas
there were 12 modern hospitals for 4,000
Europeans in the country, there were only 52 for
Africans numbering over 40 million.
In the field of education, what was provided
during the colonial days was grossly inadequate,
unevenly distributed and badly orientated and
therefore not so beneficial as it could have been
for Africa. Five different types of educational
institutions were established under colonial rule:
primary, secondary, teacher-training, technical
and university. But while many primary schools
had been established by 1860 in British West
Africa, it was not until 1876 that the first
secondary schools were established in the Gold
Coast and Nigeria. It was not until after the
Second World War that technical schools and
university colleges were established in most
parts of Africa.
The curricula provided by all these institutions
were determined by the colonial rulers and were
closely modelled on, if not carbon copies of,
those of the metropolitan countries and therefore
irrelevant to the needs of the continent. They
also struck at the very roots of African religious
beliefs, sanctions and taboos and thereby shook
the foundations of African societies, bringing in
their trail a sense of uncertainty, frustration and
insecurity.
The impact of this inadequate, lopsided and
wrongly orientated education on African societies
has been profound and almost permanent. First,
it left Africa with a huge illiteracy problem, a
problem whose solution will take a long time.
Secondly, the educated elite that was produced
was, by and large, and alienated elite that
adored European culture and civilization and
looked down on African culture. However, since
the elite included the wealthiest people and since
they occupied the highest posts available both
during and after the colonial era, they came to
wield power and influence out of all proportion to
their numbers.
Beneficial as the linguae francae promoted
through the educational systems were, they had
the regrettable consequence of preventing the
development of some of the indigenous
languages into national languages. Twi, Hausa
and Swahili could easily have been developed as
the national languages of the Gold Coast, Nigeria
and the three British East African colonies
respectively. In fact, an attempt was made by
the colonial administrators of British East Africa
to develop Swahili as a lingua franca during the
1930s and 1940s, but this attempt was
countermanded by the Colonial Office.
Another highly regrettable social impact of
colonialism was the deterioration that it caused
in the status of women in Africa. This is a new
theme which needs further research, but there
does not appear to be any doubt that women
were inhibited from joining in most of the
activities introduced or intensified by colonialism.
The colonial world was indeed a man's world
and women were not encouraged to play any
meaningful role in it.
Moreover, under colonialism Africans in general
were looked down upon, humiliated and
discriminated against both overtly and covertly.
In his recent Reith lectures, Ali Mazrui
emphasized this legacy of humiliation imposed
on the African by the triple sins of the slave
trade, apartheid and colonialism when he
declared: "Africans are not necessarily the most
brutalized peoples, but they are certainly the
most humiliated in modern history."
Some historians have concluded that
"colonialism produced its own gravediggers",
while Maugham has maintained that "On the
tombstone of the British Empire may be written
'Lost by snobbery".
Worse still was the impact of colonialism in the
cultural field. Throughout the colonial period,
African art, music, dancing and even history were
all not only ignored but positively discouraged or
denied. As one speaker declared at the Second
Congress of Negro Writers and Artists, in Rome,
in 1959: "Among the sins of colonialism, one of
the most pernicious, because it was for a long
time accepted by the West, was the concept of
people without culture."
Nevertheless, in the cultural field, the impact of
colonialism was relatively speaking neither
profound nor permanent. Such changes as were
introduced in the cultural field, such racial
discrimination as was practised, and such
condemnation of African culture as was
preached, even in the heyday of colonialism,
were all confined to the coastal areas and the
urban centres and never penetrated into the rural
areas where life ran gaily on very much as
before. African dance, art, music and traditional
religious systems held their own and any
borrowings and adaptations were additions
rather than substitutions.
In the rural areas, and even to some extent in
the urban centres, new beliefs, new gods, new
utensils, new artifacts and new objects were
added to the old ones. Certainly, in these areas
many Christians did and still do retain their belief
in their traditional gods. Indeed, in the field of
religion, it was if anything the European religious
that were Africanized, as is obvious from the
rituals of some of the syncretic and millenarian
churches, and not the other way round.
What is more important, the gound that was lost
in the field of culture, even in the urban centres,
has virtually been regained. Today, African art,
music and dance are not only taught in
educational institutions of all kinds but are now
booming in Africa and gaining recognition in
Europe. Thus, as far as the cultural field is
concerned, colonialism was certainly only a brief
episode and its impact skin-deep and ephemeral.
From all the above it should be clear that it is an
over-reaction to write off colonialism as an
unmitigated disaster for Africa that caused
nothing but underdevelopment and
backwardness. Equally guilty of over-statement
are those colonial apologists who see
colonialism as an unqualified blessing for Africa.
But whatever colonialism did for Africans in
Africa, given its opportunities, its resources and
the power and influence it wielded in Africa at
the time, it could and should have done more. As
P.C. Lloyd wrote:
"So much more might perhaps have been done
had the development of backward territories been
seen by the industrial nations as a first priority."
It is precisely because colonial rulers did not see
the development of Africans as their first priority
or even as a priority at all that they stand
condemned. It is for these two reasons that the
colonial era will go down in history as a period
of growth without development, of the ruthless
exploitation of the resources of Africa, and, on
balance, of the pauperization and humiliation of
the peoples of Africa.
In the long history of Africa, colonialism was
merely an episode or interlude in the many-
faceted and variegated experiences of its
peoples. It was nonetheless an extremely
important episode politically, economically and
even socially. It marks a clear watershed in the
history of Africa whose development has been
and will continue to be very much influenced by
the colonial impact.

Tuesday, 16 June 2015

A LADY BITES OFF A RAPIST PENIS IN LAGOS

A man reportedly took his girlfriend to
his friend’s house in Lagos . A few hours
later, the lady ran out screaming for
help, saying she had been raped. Few
minutes later, the man, with blood all
over his body, also ran out crying for
help.
The girl, it was learnt, had blood on her
clothes and she was given a cloth to
cover herself.
When the man came out screaming,
neighbours were shocked and that was
when they realised that the girl bit off
the man’s penis and this was done with
her teeth.

It was learnt that the man was rushed to
the hospital but when they got to the
hospital they realised that the upper part
of the penis was not there so they rushed
back to the house to look for it. Luckily,
they found it and took it to the hospital.
When the doctor examined it, he realised
that it was dead but still went ahead to
stitch it.
The man is still in the hospital.

PASSENGER CAUGHT STEALING ON LAGOS-ABUJA FLIGHT


A passenger, Ovuironye Mathew Dennis,
travelling on-board a 6.45am Aero flight on
Monday was caught while stealing about N350,
000 from a luggage belonging to an Austrian,
Novotny Anton, another passenger on the flight.
Dennis, 31 with 1.65 height as captured in his
temporary driver’s licence and seating on flight
seat No. 23C, was spotted by a member of the
airline’s cabin crew when he removed the
Austrian’s bag from the cockpit as if he was
changing his seat.
Our correspondent, who was on-board the flight,
said the suspect was also caught with a wrap of
marijuana.

The suspect had removed the bag from the
cockpit where the Austrian sat, took it to his own
seat, giving the impression that he was changing
his seat and stole a sum of N150, 000 and 500
Euros belonging to the Austrian.
But he ran out of luck when a female cabin crew
raised alarm, asked him to remain seated while
he was trying to return the bag to the overhead
bin before the Austrian could suspect any foul
play.
“While trying to return the bag I asked him to
seat down. But he became uncomfortable before
the plane landed and the white man raised alarm
that he couldn’t find his bag,” she said.
Immediately the plane landed at the Abuja airport,
the Austrian couldn’t find his bag and raised
alarm, but the cabin crew member told him to
check the bag with Dennis.
After the suspect was stripped naked, he told
other angry passengers that he mistakenly took
the bag in question for his own.
The Austrian later discovered that the sum of
N150, 000 and 500 Euros had been taken from
the bag.
Other passengers immediately descended on the
thieving Dennis.
The money was later found on him alongside a
wrap of marijuana.
The suspect told The Nation that he stole the
money to take care of his ailing mother.

Monday, 15 June 2015

BUHARI'S ONE-TERM PACT TEARS APC

As Jimi Agbaje, Akpabio visit Atiku For
political realignments Ahead 2019..
**PDP to field northern candidate**

The pledge by President Muhammadu
Buhari to serve only one term is
responsible for the whirligig into which
the governing All Progressives Congress
(APC), and indeed the political class in
the country have been thrown, the Daily
Times can authoritatively report.
If not quickly resolved, the intrigues may
make governing Herculean in the next
for years, as politicians of different
ideological backgrounds are forging
informal alliances.
Two-time Governorship candidate in
Lagos, Mr. Jimmy Agbaje, and former
Akwa Ibom State Governor Godswill
Akpabio recently paid separate visits to
the Abuja residence of former Vice
President Abubakar Atiku in what is
believed to be linked to the politics of
2019.



It was learnt last night that apart paying
the APC back in its own coin, the
decision of the main opposition Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP) not to support
any candidate put forward by the ruling
party for the positions of Senate
President and Speaker of the House of
Representatives, has serious link to the
2019 Presidential contest.
According to sources within the ruling
party, "the decision of President Buhari
not to run in 2019 is already tearing the
party into shreds as potential aspirants
for the office are already mobilizing
across parties and geo- political zones to
forge a realignment for the contest."
The visit by Akpabio and Agbaje to the
Abuja residence of Atiku, according to
information pieced together in Abuja, is
the beginning of the much-expected
realignment and coming together of
former PDP political heavy weights
across the nation before the
commencement of the onslaught on the
factionalized APC.
It was also gathered that the visit to the
residence of Atiku by the Senate
President Bukola Saraki, shortly after
being sworn, was a confirmation that
Atiku was one those who pulled the
strings for his success at election.
Atiku, it was reliably gathered is still
eyeing the presidency and the decision
of Buhari to run for one term has further
given the Adamawa politician the verve
to start making contacts across party
divides.
It was further learnt that the main
reason the APC national leader, Bola
Ahmed Tinubu, reportedly moved
against Saraki was because of the strong
opposition of Saraki to Tinubu's
nomination of Professor Yemi Osibanjo
as the then running mate to Buhari.
Saraki it was learnt, campaigned
vigorously for former Rivers State
Governor, Rotimi Amaechi for the
position of the Vice President. It took the
intervention of former President
Olusegun Obasanjo at his Abeokuta
mansion for peace to peace to reign.
Daily Times also learnt that the
graveyard silence maintained by the
former Rivers state governor on the
National Assembly election was intended
to spite Tinubu who was instrumental to
the scuttling of his vice presidential
ambition.
Apart from that, the Tinubu camp up till
press time is still not comfortable with
the Saraki occupation of the office of the
Senate President. The reasoning in the
camp is that a Saraki Senate presidency
for four years would be too strong for
them to overrun in 2019 since President
Buhari has decided not to run in 2019.
In the unfolding political scenario, the
battle line appears drawn between Atiku
and Tinubu. Already there are reported
moves by Tinubu to truncate the
emergence of Atiku as the chairman of
the BoT of the party, while Atiku on the
other hand is pushing for the leadership
of the party using different fronts within
and outside the party.
The PDP as a party, it was reliably
learnt, is not left out of the scheming
and permutations for the 2019 elections.
The party, according to impeccable
sources within the party, has dispatched
its foot soldiers across the six geo
political zones to mobilize and talk to
party members and non-party members
on the need to return power to the party
in 2019 because of what they described
as the false start of the APC since May
29.

PDP HAS HIJACKED OUR CHANGE , AGAIN ~ Pat Utomi

It may sound naïve, especially for a
person who is obviously a partisan, but
my concern and alarm have little to do
with who won or lost in the National
Assembly leadership elections palaver.
Easy as this can be lost on the gladiators,
we could be collectively sabotaging the
poor ordinary people of Nigeria
desperate for change. Could this elite
which has consistently failed to find its
mission and do for its people what their
old classmates in schools in the United
States and the United Kingdom and
elsewhere in the West, have done for
their people in Asia and Latin America,
unwittingly miss this window built on a
change mantra, and betray another
generation? It was with this spirit of
wondering how easily we chase power,
unmindful of purpose that I exclaimed
on seeing the political bloodletting in the
National Assembly leadership selection.
My reaction was, Oh my God, not again!
With the process and outcome clearly
signalling disunity, lack of discipline and
weak goal-setting, and severe goal
displacement, the least impact would be
challenged implementation of what the
people voted for.
Oh no! It’s not happening again. Not
again in my life time! But it was
happening. The sense of déjà vu was not
just troubling, and evidently palpable, it
had a puzzling force that left you feeling
and wondering how this is possible; the
way you feel when a 747 or an A380 is
tossed around by mere wind in clear air
turbulence. The vote for change had run
into turbulence at the inauguration of
the National Assembly. It was not about
who won or who the battle was against.
It was about a public brawl and the
change agenda.
It was about the ordinary people who
had persevered so much in the face of
underperforming and uncaring
governments beholden to special
interests and so seemingly unable, or
unwilling, to go where less endowed
rivals in other parts of the world have
gone, and dramatically improved the lot
of the people. To drive a change agenda
for which the people voted in April,
legislative common purpose was a clear
imperative. To go to legislative
inauguration without party discipline
and with a fractious mode and the old
ways, of, money and personality politics
in top flight, was to betray the voters of
this country, and that is what June 9
means to me. Hope has again been
annulled and for the third time in my
life a costly battle for change has again
been hijacked. As 1993 and 1999, so
seems to have gone 2015, if the people do
not fight back.
I was lamenting these things when
someone called my attention to an
advertised full page opinion by some
concerned APC members in the Daily
Trust Newspaper of June 9. That advert
was so reminiscent of the kinds of
advertisements published in 1993/94 by
the Concerned Professionals that I did
exactly the same thing I did in 1993.
In that year, many of us had canvassed a
change agenda. The Social Democratic
Party and its torch- bearer, Chief M.K.O.
Abiola, had come to symbolise that
change. Two days after that historic vote,
I journeyed to the US to attend a
convention. It was at that convention
that a Ugandan delegate came up to me,
very angry, saying: “You Nigerians, you
Nigerians, whenever Africa is set for
progress, you drag us back.” I was not
sure what he was talking about, but that
was how I learnt of the annulment of the
June 12 election. I immediately packed
my stuff and went up to my room and
began writing an OPED piece that would
appear under the title, “We Must Say
Never Again.” That piece resulted in the
founding of the Concerned Professionals.
That body acquitted itself well in the
struggle against military rule. It was a
principle-based struggle. They may have
sent policemen to beat us up as we
protested and sent assassins after a few
like myself but the principle was not lost
on them.


When Sani Abacha passed and they
withdrew under pressure, we erred in
thinking our work was done. The politics
of the last 16 years that followed left
Nigerians so exasperated that they
jumped on the Change mantra. So
uplifted were they with the outcome that
they assumed their world would change
dramatically come May 29. Such was the
expectations that analysts worried the
expectations were unrealistic and
bordered on expecting miracles.
Then comes June 9. For days before the
votes for the National Assembly leaders,
I kept saying that for me, it was not
about a particular candidate but about a
process that shows party discipline and
national consensus around an agenda
for change. If the process gets fractured,
I had warned what will happen will
include a return to the old ways of vote
buying in which goals of the common
good are traded off in the old goal
displacement ways, for money and self-
interest. Then there is the loss of speed
on consensus critical for change
legislation. My song was clearly a
borrowed verse from the US President,
Lyndon Baines Johnson, and Malaysia’s
Mahathir Mohammed: It is better for all
to be inside the house pissing out, than
for some to be outside the house pissing
in.
It is easy to see it as a simple political
game if you miss the cost of these simple
games for why Nigeria is poor and our
society is marked by much disharmony.
You may then analyse the New PDP vs
other groups in the All Progressives
Congress, or checking certain power
blocs. Even many of the actors who
presume to be acting in self-interest
have embraced a narcissism that has
blinded them to their own long term
self-interest, as they embrace short term
personal gain. Because of this the “only
business in town”, politics, manages to
do continuous damage to the real sector
businesses which give life to a majority
of the people. But to the short sighted, it
does not matter, this is politics. So, my
view was, sort these things out, whether
in smoke filled rooms, or in a sanctuary
of truth and love for the suffering poor
of this endowed society. The signalling
from a public brawl that will bruise egos
and carve cleavages into the polity and
etch animosities into the relationships
even in intra-party affairs may create
momentary victories but they have a sad
way of amounting to pyrrhic victories
and delaying the reclaiming of the
promise of Nigeria.
With mountain high challenges in the
economy, trailed by an unemployment
time bomb, security problems that go
beyond the Boko Haram and
kidnappings, and electricity and
petroleum sectors, in much need for
reforms, even as corruption, failing
education and health care make us a
tribe of refugees around the planet, now
was not the time for politics as usual.
I have tired of worrying about raw
political power, quest for possessions
and quick inclination to predation (The
3Ps) muzzling Purpose, to prevent
progress, in Nigeria. June 9 brought it
home again. There could be merit in the
pocket wars and persons that were the
target of breaching the consensus for
change on that day, but the consequence
will no doubt be progress deferred. The
big losers, the people, the small
mechanic who needs electric power for a
job to earn the next meal, the farmer
who remains in subsistence because poor
infrastructure locks him out while public
officials live like Lords off a wobbly
state, to the truth and prescription the
citizen typically go away forlorn for they
swallow the lies of politics as usual. The
only solution for me is people power.
The people must say to a political class
riding roughshod on their well-being:
Enough is enough. People power must
come to save the people recovering from
the euphoria of a promise of change that
seems deferred again.
What was the purpose of the vote for
change? The purpose is an elite that for
one generation failed a people and
denied them the progress they deserve
and desire, should change their way and
bring progress to the greatest number of
people. The patience had worn thin.
Now, it is the people who must now take
back their country anyway they see fit.
They cannot watch as Singapore escapes
Third World status, South Korea
becomes one of the most knowledge-
driven high income societies on earth
and Brazil goes from potential to a top
10 economy in the world. These
countries found a patriotic elite at some
point that sacrificed for progress. Since
Nigeria has been repeatedly denied such
by its elite, the people may have no
choice but to rise up and save
themselves. There were enough blame
for June 9 to go around, from the APC
hierarchy whose complicit role was put
forward in the advert I referred to in
the Daily Trust by some concerned APC
members, to the PDP leadership whose
business, no doubt, is to make the party
in government uncomfortable but which
must know that in decent societies a
government must be allowed to settle in
and not for legislators to collaborate
with those across the Isle in ways that
can be disruptive. Fortunately, it’s never
too late to begin again.