Monday 25 January 2016

Saturday 23 January 2016

OPC MOVES TO DRAG GANI ADAMS TO EFCC, ICPC & DSS

The National Coordinating Council (NCC) of the Pan-Yoruba militant group, Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) rose from an extra-ordinary meeting in Ibadan with a resolve to drag its National Coordinator, Chief Gani Adams, to the nation’s anti-graft agencies notably the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Independent and Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) as well as the Special Fraud Unit (SFU) of the Nigeria Police.


A resolution at the end of the meeting signed by Comrade Akinpelu Adesina alleged “multiple cases of fraud, misappropriation of OPC funds and outright stealing running into several billions of naira”.
The conclusion, according to the resolution, was reached “to serve as a means of alerting the public, particularly Nigerians in the Diaspora, to the risks they stand should they conduct business with Gani Adams and the so-called Oodua Progressive Union (OPU) network he is presently building around the globe.”

Sunday 17 January 2016

OONI PAYS HISTORIC VISIT TO ALAAFIN OF OYO




The newly crowned Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, on Sunday paid a historic visit to the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, who celebrated his 45th coronation anniversary.
The visit by Ooni was unique as he became the first Ife monarch to visit the Alaafin since 1937.
The visit was equally exceptional, especially with the rivalry over supremacy that existed between the Alaafin and Ogunwusi successor, Oba Okunade Sijuade.
About 100 Yoruba traditional rulers witnessed the historic visit,
At the Methodist Church, Apaara, Oyo, where the thanksgiving to mark the anniversary of the Alaafin’s coronation was held, there were mixed feelings among those who celebrated with Alaafin after it was announced that the new Ooni had reached Oyo to celebrate with Alaafin.
Ogunwusi arrived at the church to the warm embrace of the Alaafin, who shook hands with him as the congregation watched and expressed admiration for the historic union.
Speaking on the visit, Alaafin said it was the first by any Ife monarch since 1937. He also said that although he did not enjoy cordial relationship with the past Ife monarch, he related well with the other Yoruba obas, while also commending the Ooni’s move to reconcile all Yoruba obas under a strong umbrella.
He said, “May your reign be long, Ooni.‎ I am happy with Ooni Ogunwusi’s moves to unite all Yoruba Obas.
“This special visit was done last in March 1937, that was the first time the kings in Yorubaland met in Oyo town and today history was made with the visit of Arole Oodua Enitan Ogunwusi, Ojaja II and I feel delighted to host you and to reassure you that I will be ready to work with you.
“I have a tight relationship with Ooni Adesoji Aderemi and I did not want to relent my bound with any Ooni of Ife that assumed the post but everybody has his own little differences”.
On his part, Oba Ogunwusi said he recognised the place of Oyo monarch in Yoruba history, adding that a new dawn had fallen on Yoruba monarchs and the people.
He said “It is a new dawn for all Yoruba sons and daughters around the globe… I am here today though not invited but as the Arole Oduduwa, the onus is on me to felicitate with all sons and daughters wherever they are and to show my solidarity for any of them.
“I am ready to damn any consequences or insinuations from anywhere; my mission here is to preach peace among nations of Yoruba both home and abroad and I am ready to work with Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Olayiwola Adeyemi to project the unity and love which we believe is existing in days of our forefathers.”
After the service, the monarchs and other well wishers moved to the Alaafin palace where Oba Ogunwusi was entertained in a lavish ceremony. The two monarchs also had a private discussion in the inner chamber of the palace for about 20 minutes.

IKALE SETTLERS MIGRATED FROM BENIN -- Abodi of Ikale Land


Here is an excerpt of an Interview with the The Abodi of Ikale Land, Oba George Faduyile :

Your Royal Majesty, what is the origin of Ikale race
  HRM: In about 1502, there was a development in Benin Kingdom, Oba Esigie was on the throne and since succession to the throne was from father to son, he was worried that he had no male child who will ascend the throne after his home call. He married many wives so as to produce a male child. The premonition was that some forces were behind his not having male children. One of his wives conceived and went into hiding. He gave birth to a male child in the morning but at that time, many people had gone to their places of word. Automatically, the male child should reign after him. Before he could made an Oba, certain rites were to be performed. They put all the things: crown, sekere, horsetail, beads as a mark of an Oba before the child.
Towards evening, when people were returning from their various places of work, another wife of the Oba gave birth to a male child and people were happy, and started jubilating to herald in the new Oba. News now came that a male child had been given birth to the Oba in the morning but kept in secrecy –A –b – o –d –i.
The two male children were growing up in the palace. This made the Oba to foresee problems as to who is to ascend the throne after him. He now advised the elder male child to go across Owena River to establish his own kingdom. Abodi left with some Chiefs in Benin and came to the Western side of Owena. He first settled at Arogbo – Ile. While leaving the place, he asked Larogbo to take charge of Arogbo – Ile. He proceeded to Irele and settled there for a while. This first Abodi is called Abodi Jabado. He reigned for a lond period before joing his ancestors. His son, called Tufewa reigned after him. People that were with the Abodi were called Abodi people. The settlement of Abodi in each of the places he settled was called Ikoya. Tufewa went to Ile – Ife to learn the art of governance because he had not learnt the intricacies of palace administration in Benin.
It was also recorded that Esigie sent him to Ooni in Ile – Ife. He was there for three years. At the end of his third year, the Ooni gave Abodi benedictions. He made him to kneel down in a circle marked with white chlk and asked him to carry out these rites in his country/kingdom. Abodi came home with this chalk. This led to the use of white chalk (Efun) which is used to make inscriptions or marks on the ground (meaning) Ikale. That is what we bear today. Without prejudice to anybody, some people say we covered the land “a ka ile yi”. While some people claimed that a man was living beside the Owena River named Aale, and so his village was called Aale. From the three schools of thought, we presume that the act of using a white chalk to make inscription on the ground to mean Ikale is the most acceptable.
The Chiefs that accompanied him from Benin and those that joined him later were given districts to administer. These chiefs were called Olojas. They were given recognitions as Obas in 1979. meanwhile, Abodi gave them titles and they were responsible to him. Today, to a large extent are autonomous in the administration of their areas.
Kabiyesi, what is meant by Ikale “mehan”?
HRM: There is no time that the Ikales are nine or their rulers were nine. But the idea of Ikale mehan came during the colonial era. The reasons were best known to the colonial masters. Ajagba, Ujosun and Akotogbo were administered by Benin confederation. Two reasons were advanced for carving out the three (i) They spoke Benin language (ii) They were too distant from Ikoya administration. One needs to say that if the colonial masters had understood the origin of the Ikales, they would not have carved out these three area and put them under Benin Administration.
Originally, we had: Larogbo of Akotogbo,; Oluhogbo of Ujosun,; Ahaba of Ajagba,; Laragunsin of Iyansan,; Odogbo of Omi,; Olofun of Irele,; Halu/Lapoki of Ode-Aye,; Jagun of Idepe,; Obagberume of Igbodigo,; Lumure of Ayika,; Orungberuwa of Erinje,; Olura/Oloto of Igbinsin,; REbuja of Osooro,; and Onipe of Ubu.
Some of the rulers mentioned above are offsrings of other Royal Fathers. For example, Jagun is an offspring of Larogbo, Rebuja is an offspring of Lumure. Due to lack of contact, Onipe was lost to Ijebu area. Today, in addition to the aforementioned Obas, we have: Norogun of Ayede,; Olu of Igodan/Pkunmo,; Majuwa of Morubodo Kingdom,; and Orofun of Iju – Odo.
Your Majesty, why is Ikoya termed the cradle of Ikale land? How many Abodis have ascended the throne? If it is true that Ikoya is the source of Ikale land, why is it not as big as towns like Ode – Irele, Okitipupa to mention buy a few?


HRM: Ikoya is very important in the history of Ikale development. Abodi Jabado was asked to move out and found his kingdom. Esigie gave Abodi all the paraphernalia of office. Sword (Uda) was left out. Oba Esigie was confused with whom to give; either Oba Abodi or Orogbua. Oba Esigie then called his palace chiefs to consider whom to be given the sword. The palace chiefs made two of them to contest for the “Uda”. The sword was thrown up for them to catch.
In the process, Abodi gripped the handle while Orogbua held the blade. Orogbua’s hand was cut and Abodi won the contest and had the “Uda”. Oba Esigie told Abodi to use the sword to ward off attachs, aggressions and insults. In other words, the uda was given to Abodi to ward off enemies (ki o fi ko iya) To confirm this, Abodi is the only Oba that bears the appellation, “Ogun Olugba uda…”
Anywhere Abodi settles is called Ikoya. He settled in Atijere, Ode, Lagos etc. It was Abodi Kugbayigbe who came to found the present Ikoya. Ikoya is a shifting settlement along with its civilization, culture, custom, ethics and norms. I am the 21stAbodi that is reigning. Of the 21 Abodis, six reigned in this town and the 7th is on the throne.
In those days, there was a lot of human sacrifice. Only the relations of Abodi were spared. Strangers were usually made use of for this sacrifices. This made them to move from Ikoya Kingdom because that time, to stay at Ikoya was between life and death.
Alayeluwa, we have heard of Kiriji war, Ekiti parapo was, as well as Jalu mi war. Has Ikale fought any war?
HRM: The Ikales because of their good administration, their neighbours feared them. There were two events when we had clashes. Alake  wanted to override Onipe. Onipe called on Abodi and the force of Alake was forced to retret. It was not directly between Alake and Ikale. It was later that Alake discovered that Abodi assisted Onipe but Abodi had already moved away from there. Ondos and Ikales fought wars though not with the entire Ikale but with some districts like Aye, Irele having boundaries with them.  In each  of these wars, Ikales always emerged victorious because the entire Ikale fought as a urito.
In one of the wars, the Ondo warrior were decisively rooted which led to the immediate death of the then Osemawe who could not stand the defeat (O si igba). Apart from external wars, Ikales had internal conflicts between Osooro and Idepe and Ayeka. We had no war with the Ilajes, Ijaws, and the Ijebus. The war we had with Larogbo was a very critical one in which Erinje was grossly affected which made them to hide in a place called Aluma. Apart from this, there were no serious wars like Kiriji and others.
Your Majesty, to what extent have you been able to forge unity in your domain?
HRM: During the reign of my predecessors, the Ikale Obas were in groups; either to accept or reject Abodi. When I came on board, I called meeting of Obas in palaces either at Okitipupa or Irele. We hold functions together. If any of the Obas passes away, all other Obas will assemble and contribute to the bereaved family. If there are issues that affect the generality of Ikale, we meet and take a common stand. Our level of interaction is high.
Kabiyesi, why do we not have uniformity in the chieftaincy titles. As the headship of Ijamas council varies from one community to another
HRM: The present chieftaincy titles practiced in Ikale was brought by Abodi Tufewa when he traveled to Ile – Ife. The first set of Ijama were Lisa, Jomo, Petu, Yasere, Odunwo and Isowa, headed by Lema. They were established in all Ikale areas by the second Abodi. In most Ikale areas today, these six chiefs form the leadership of Ijama. It is not mandatory that you have all of them. In some towns, they are Egharepara. Ijama was banished in 1919 but resuscitated in 1930’s because Ijama is the organ of administration. The hierarchical setup is: Oba – Ijama – Ijoye – Omoja.
Kabiyesi, what is your view about the exploitation of bitumen in Ikale land?
HRM: We have bitumen in abundance in Ikale land. People have been using it as gums but no local company has the technical know – how or capital outlay. Companies have been given power to operate.

Friday 15 January 2016

First coup wiped out Nigeria’s finest officers - Ademulegun's son

First coup wiped out Nigeria’s finest officers –Ademulegun’s son


 

In this interview with ENIOLA AKINKUOTU, Mr. Bankole Ademulegun talks about the January 15, 1966 coup in which his father, Brig. Gen. Samuel Ademulegun, and many other Nigerian leaders were killed
Today makes it 50 years since the first coup occurred. Can you recall the events leading to your father’s murder on January 15, 1966?
I remember vividly that on January 15, 1966, we received a lot of visitors. At the time, I was 13-year-old and I was schooling in Abeokuta while my younger ones were living in Kaduna with my parents. My father had just returned from a trip, I think from Ghana; I can’t really recall. So, when he returned to Lagos, he sent the driver to pick me up from school and we travelled back to Kaduna together on an aircraft. We had the likes of the late Maj. Gen. Hassan Katsina visiting and my father went round telling people that he was back. At midnight or should I say in the early hours of January 15, we all went to bed. I cannot say precisely what time it was but what I heard next was fire from guns. The bullets were shattering the windows and the doors and naturally, as a young boy, I came out from my room to see what was happening because my father’s room was adjacent to mine and next was another room where my younger ones were. My father, being a soldier, was barking out orders and he was saying ‘stop shooting’ until eventually, his voice started fading. Those guys shot their way up the stairs and after that, I had to grab my younger ones. In my room, where my father kept some of his things, there was a door leading to a flight of stairs that led to the ‘boys’ quarters’. So, I took them there.
What followed after this?
By the time we got to the ‘boys’ quarters’, the cooks, the stewards, the head of the stewards, Baba Dogo, and others such as Amos, Baba Adama and every other person was up and they were putting on their uniforms because they could not understand what had happened but by their training as soldiers, they had to get ready for any eventuality. They asked me what happened and I said I didn’t know. So, we remained there until daybreak and then we came out. My father’s driver was ready to take him to work and he brought out the car. At that point, the younger ones wanted to eat but the head of his personal staff at home, Baba Dogo, still did not know what was going on. So, at that point, an aunty of mine, Major Ronke Vigo nee Roberts, called. I was going into the house to pick the phone but the whole place was littered with broken glasses and one of the stewards said, ‘Don’t go inside the house’, because they suspected that there might be grenades on the floor. They said if I mistakenly stepped on a grenade, it could go off. So, they brought out the phone and I spoke with my aunt. I narrated all I knew and she said she was on her way. At this time, a lot of people started coming in and it was then that we realised that an uncle of ours, Col. Ralph Shodeinde, had also been killed while his wife had been shot in the leg. At that point, Baba Dogo went upstairs to see what had actually happened and as he was coming down, he said in Hausa to his colleagues that ‘oga and madam are dead’. He had forgotten that I also speak Hausa. At that point, I broke down. I was inconsolable. People from the military hospital and the Catholic diocese in Kaduna and many others came to the house. A lot of people wanted to take us away from the scene because it wouldn’t be a pretty sight bringing their bodies out with us being there. At that point, I think I was injected to get me calm.
Who took care of you and your siblings thereafter?
We felt it was the end of life for us but a lot of family members such as the late Dr. Oshodi, were there to lend a helping hand. My father’s friends who are Ondo, the likes of Dr. Seinde Akinsete and Ambassador Tayo Ogunsulire were good to us and eventually, the younger ones moved in with Dr. Akinsete and he took care of them and till today we still refer to him as daddy because he and his late wife were wonderful. Major General Adeyinka Adebayo and his wife, aunty Dupe; uncle Mobolaji Johnson and Dr. and Mrs. Oshodi were wonderful. It was supposed to be the end of the road for us, especially in the area of education but I think the military did wonders. After the July counter-coup (in which Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi was killed) and General Yakubu Gowon became the military head of state, one of his few pronouncements was that we were all going to be taken care of no matter the cost. The army paid our school fees and gave us allowances until we graduated from university. I must give thanks to General Gowon and his group. Some of these things will feature in the book we are writing in honour of our father and all those who knew my father will speak on the Ademulegun they knew.
What memories do you have of your father?
As a little boy, I knew he was a soldiers’ soldier. He took his profession with pride. The issue of discipline was one of the things he instilled in us. He was a disciplined soldier. He never got late to any appointment or to work. He was also a good horse rider and a polo player. He was very sociable. Our house was the place to be if you wanted a good taste of ‘asun’ (goat meat delicacy) in those days and his friends from all over enjoyed coming over for ‘asun’. He made friends easily and we took that from him. And I must also say that he was a lady’s man.
How many children did your father have?
He had six children. I am the second child. The first was the late Group Captain Bandele Ademulegun who died in 2002. My younger ones are Kunle, Gbenga, Solape and Goke. Solape is the only daughter.
Your father was not a politician. Why then was he killed?
I hope to get a better insight from older people who will contribute to the book we are writing in his honour. I was not in the army but we heard all sorts of things. Yes, the people that took over wanted a better Nigeria, according to them. But have they been able to achieve a better Nigeria? They were talking about 10 per cent at the time and that politicians were tagged ‘10 percenters’ at the time but is it not worse today? But the only thing that I am happy about is that today, after all the ‘wahala’ (trouble) we have gone through, a soldier is now coming to right the wrongs of Nigeria in civilian uniform. My father was not a politician; he wasn’t taking 10 per cent. When he died he had just one house. So, I don’t know why they snuffed life out of him. They are the ones that can really say why but at the end of the day, all they wanted to achieve, did they achieve it? I really don’t know. You see, the finest officers in Nigeria were just wiped out by that single action which was a misnomer. There could have been better ways to right the wrongs of Nigeria like we are doing today; letting our democracy grow and letting us use our votes to decide whoever should be in charge of our future. The first coup, as adjudged by so many writers, was a one-sided coup.
The first coup was masterminded by mainly Igbo majors like Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna. Do you think it was an Igbo coup since the only non-Igbo among them was Major Adewale Ademoyega?
I think it is an obvious fact. Look at the crop of officers that were eliminated during the first coup. Most of them that were killed were from the northern and western regions. If you wanted a better Nigeria and you thought that some people would prevent you from achieving your aim, why did you pick out core officers and individuals from a section of the country? I feel it was unfair and improper.
Was Nzeogwu among the soldiers that invaded your house and killed your father?
Unfortunately, I can’t tell because I couldn’t recognise those who came in. What I remember was that there were soldiers with their caps covering their faces and all I could see was fire from their guns. And at that point, if I had dashed across to my father’s room, I probably would have been hit. But I stood where I was and from there, I started watching. It was after the shooting had died down and my younger ones were crying that I dashed across, gathered them and we found our way out. By the time we returned to Lagos after the coup, many people assumed we were all dead because what we were told was that the intention of the coup plotters was to burn down the house if they could not gain entry.
After the dust had settled, do you know why Aguiyi-Ironsi did not execute the coup plotters?
Unfortunately, I don’t know why and I think the officers who were aware of what happened at the time would be able to explain. I will discuss with them in the course of writing the book. I was too young at the time.
How corrupt was Nigeria in 1966 that made soldiers to stage a coup?
I don’t think Nigeria was corrupt if you compare it with the Nigeria of today. I still have my father’s cheque books and notes. His salary was about £300 or so. My tuition was about £12. If you talk of corruption, I never saw anybody bring gifts to our place because life then was fulfilling. Those people had enough. Today, every office has attached to it, a channel of making money through illegal means.
After the coup, the political structure changed from regionalism to states. Do you think Nigeria would have been better off today with the regional system?
If you are talking of development reaching the greater majority, I think the structure before now was alright. Our problem has always been the issue of not allowing the local governments to meet the needs of their constituents in terms of funding. We have a situation where the state governments have virtually taken over the role of the local governments. In those days, we were not this many. Today, we are about 175 million people. That is huge. How many were we back then and we had a better quality of life. The groundnut pyramids, the coal, the cocoa were being harnessed. We had regions lending other regions money and it was a wonderful Nigeria. It was on the night of the coup that we experienced electric power failure for the first time. I was wondering what had happened that night until I realised that it was the masterminds of the coup that had cut power supply. So, I think the structure of Nigeria is not as good as it was. We keep fragmenting the country because we want to take care of sectional interests. Today, we have states that cannot pay salaries.
Copyright PUNCH.

Saturday 9 January 2016

ONDO STATE AND THE BATTLE FOR ALAGBAKA



  January 09, 2016 at 12:29 am

 By Pelu Olajengbesi


 "some highly intelligent financial experts have been engaged to scrutinized the records of the acclaimed Iroko of Ondo State, primarily for the purpose of detecting the remotest areas of financial recklessness and mismanagement of state funds''.

Ondo State is getting set for yet another battle for Alagbaka - the state government house and the Holy Grail of the gubernatorial elections comes October this year. Political activities in the state have been injected with more life, excitement and consciousness as seen in the increased albeit subtle campaign by the interested individuals in the state.
Popular opinion holds – but of course - that it will simply be a contest between the predominant political parties, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress( the APC), with both locked in a test of might backed by differing areas of strength. Nonetheless, credit must be given to parties like the Accord Party and the Labour Party (the former ruling party in the state), for remaining the unpredictable determining factors in the forthcoming election, either by way of a forthright contest against the dominant parties or by way of alignment.
The PDP is clearly the power wielded one as it is the ruling party in the state and personified in the person of the current governor, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, who is thought in his area of influence to have successfully delivered (or largely so) the political mandate of his people, that spurs them on. This is notwithstanding the fact that the State Chapter of the PDP are having to contend with a shadow internal fraction in its structure, with the governor and his loyalists from his former party, the Labour Party, on one side and business mogul, Barr. Jimoh Ibrahim leading the other faction in the state, hedged on the pre-supposition that Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, being only a recent member of the party, cannot be allowed to hijack the party structure and impose his loyalists on the otherwise veteran and older members of the party. It remains to be seen just how implosive this internal rancour may turn out to be, although reports seem rife that the governor is making moves to reconcile both groups ahead of the elections.


For the raiding APC its pivotal argument may not be further from the need for the Sunshine State to annex its structure to that of the ruling party at the centre with the attendant benefit believed to be due from that. It is the same argument roundly canvassed by it in the elections in Kogi State and Bayelsa state, two previously PDP-controlled states.
The people of Kogi state bit into the apple of the APC enticement but indications in Bayelsa state suggest the PDP may have defeated that logic at the polls. Perhaps, this is the case with the latter because its own son had been dealt a humbling defeat by the APC at the federal level and Bayelsans have simply refused to forget or forgive in a hurry, or maybe the personality of the APC's choice candidate for that election is simply defeating its ambition, whichever the case the arguments remain largely academic and the struggle might remain beyond the election in Bayelsa.
It will indeed be tragic for the incumbent governor, Dr.Olusegun Mimiko, and not just the PDP, to lose Ondo state in the coming elections, and it will be rather disappointing to Tinubu not just the APC not to take over the state too. Both personalities are simply the personification of the struggle for the control of the political machinery of Ondo state. For the self-styled Jagaban and face of modern yoruba politics, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the addition of Ondo state to his cache of controlled state would be an additional endorsement for the perpetuation of his and the APC's agenda for Ondo state and the country in general. Having lost Ekiti state to the PDP in the person of Ayo Fayose who has become a venerable thorn in the flesh of the APC, Tinubu and the APC would surely be looking to further consolidate it's presence at state-level politics and equally pressure into alignment the people of Ekiti state in the next election.
Perhaps for the sitting governor Olusegun Mimiko, it is a more dangerous and decisive election. If his newly adopted party looses in the October, 2016 election the consequences are rippling. First, he risks being thrown into political oblivion together with his new political party, the PDP and the seeming curse of their dwindling luck in both national and state politics. Even more scary for him is that he may become exposed to the organised, perhaps orchestrated, anti-corruption music of the APC against political henchmen who were the faces of the re-elction ambition of former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan in the 2015 election. He will be expected to give an account of the imaginables and the unimaginables. Graveyard already have it that some highly intelligent financial experts have been engaged to scrutinized the records of the acclaimed Iroko of Ondo State, primarily for the purpose of detecting the remotest areas of financial recklessness and mismanagement of state funds. With such serious stake, Ondo state will literarily be set on fire in the immediate months leading to the October, 2016 governorship election.
As with everyday Nigerian politics, what this struggle is about and who its primary beneficiaries are cannot be said to be the people of Ondo state, and this is notwithstanding that the ambitions of this political actors will be dubbed a representation of the people's will. A case of vainglorious people self-appointing, and championing on behalf of the people their perceived welfare within the dictates of their own illusion of righteousness. Ondo state is in for it apparently, and therefore whichever ways it goes, the interest and progress of the people of Ondo state will eventually not be about the party that wins the 2016 election, not about the party manifesto (as experience has clearly shown that party manifestoes in Nigeria are simply manipulative talks before election) but the individual; specifically the character and value system of whoever becomes the governor of Ondo state.
Presently, it can be said that 21 individuals have been linked to the contest for the Alagbaka House, the Ondo state Aso Rock, however, only 14, as listed below wedge seemingly influence required to succeed Mimiko in the current political permutations in the state. These individuals suffice to be the major candidates across party lines with emphasis on the geographic zones of the Ondo State they are from. The reason for this will follow shortly.
Barr.Eyitayo Jegede (SAN) from Central Barr. Sola Ebiseni from South Barr. Kayode Ajulo Chief Olusola Oke from the South Dr. Olakunle Pius Osunyikanmi from South. Dr.Kingsley Kuku from South Dr. Olu Agunloye from North Dr. Bamiduro Dada from North Hon. Gbenga Elegbeleye from North Hon. Niran sule from North Mr. Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN) from the north Rt. Hon. Victor Olabimtan from North Senator Bode Olajumoke from North Senator Ajayi Borrofice from North
Now, both the APC and the state-ruling PDP are well aware of the unwritten zoning arrangement which has become an epitome of the state politics since 1999. Such that zones like Ondo South and Ondo North seem poised to produce the next governor, with the pendulum having swung between the North and South earlier on in the persons of Chief Adebayo Adefarati (1999-2003) and late Dr. Olusegun Agagu (2003-2009). Now with the incumbent, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko from the Central senatorial district, the circle seems to be complete with the preceding zones (North and South) better positioned to take over.
However, a new twist to the zoning arrangement seems to be gathering momentum as Mimiko might be anointing his successor from the Central Senatorial district. Well, that remains a political speculation, but it is not an impossibility in itself as the central senatorial district capitalizing on the Akure votes, which is part of the central might do the magic. Akure, the capital city of the sunshine state, perhaps has the highest number of votes in the state which will conveniently measure with an entire zone. Akure has never produced the state governor before even though Akure city houses the seat of power. Therefore, with a candidate from Akure, a massive solidarity votes is expected from the two local governments in Akure.
However, the question remains, does Mimiko, the Ondo state Governor still command such political clout of endorsing a candidate in the state without a negative reaction from the people? That can only be answered by the electorates who have been under the Iroko style of leadership for the past seven years.
This position has informed both parties watching each other keenly to exploit to their individual advantage the choice of candidate of the other. With the APC believed to be effectively in control of Ondo North and the PDP in control of Ondo South, the die, as is said, is cast.
In any case, no political permutation can be made with a hundred percent certainty, so we wait still. It is hoped that the true interest of the people will supersede the internecine interest of this political elephants or players in the state. Only people-oriented politics can be said to be true politics, irrespective of party or abiding ideology. For the people of Ondo state, an opportunity further presents itself for them to re-assert the power perception in the state. The October 2016 Ondo state election is without gainsaying, as decisive as any election ever held in the country. It will test the will of a people drawn between sticking to tradition or joining ranks with the centre, it will be a battle of wits and might by the dominant parties in the state and on an even more pertinent note be a redeeming opportunity for the new chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) coming from the mess of its electioneering in both Kogi and Bayelsa State